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Christopher Meyer, former British Ambassador to the United States during 9/11, writes in the Telegraph:

I have no idea - I have never met him - what Obama thinks of Britain, though in one of his attacks against Bush, he dismissively brackets the UK with Togo. McCain, whom I knew well and liked, is to all appearances a declared anglophile. But, none of this is relevant. America will act on an unsentimental calculation of where its national interest lies. The problem with the rhetoric of the Special Relationship is that it implicitly denies this reality, putting a burden of expectation on the ties between our two countries, which they cannot bear.

Whoever wins, Britain must rest its relationship with America on four propositions: is America our single most important ally and partner? Absolutely. Does this mean that our national interests will always coincide? Absolutely not. Should we stand up for our interests when they diverge from the Americans? Absolutely. Will having rows with the US from time to time fatally undermine the closeness of the relationship? Absolutely not.

While Meyer concludes with a subtle endorsement for Obama, overall he leaves the impression that neither Obama nor McCain will necessarily be better for Britain, since "America will act on an unsentimental calculation of where its national interest lies." That is, it does not matter who is president, because the United States will always act the same way, based on what is in its best interests.  As President Lincoln once said: "I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me."

However, the argument that neither president will be better for Britain (or other allies in Europe, or the transatlantic alliance as a whole) attributes too little influence to the US executive branch.  The fact is, different presidents push different policies and weigh the importance of allie's opinions differently.  If Al Gore had been president in 2003, there is a good chance the US would not be at war in Iraq (or at least would have approached it in a less unilateral way), which would have prevented the transatlantic alliance from reaching a major low following the Iraq invasion. 

McCain and Obama have different approaches to foreign relations, different world views, and different personal styles -- and one of them will be "better" for Britain than the other, regardless of events.

Jan Techau, head of the Alfred von Oppenheim Center for European Studies at the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP) wrote an insightful op-ed in July, which is still very relevant. Techau described the European attitude towards the US election campaign:

It is just like when worried parents are wondering what kind of boyfriend their beloved daughter is going to be bringing home this time. It is true that they no longer have any say whatsoever in the choice, but nevertheless they have a very concrete idea of exactly what he should look like.

Although most Europeans believe that US voters will decide the future of transatlantic relations on November 4th, it is actually Europe that will determine the meaning, benevolence and usefulness of transatlantic. We have to make up our minds:

The burden of debt, trade deficit, crisis in the financial markets, the dollar exchange rate and recession force the giant [= the United States, ed.] onto a more pragmatic political course, but America will not be able to change its foreign policy as much as many Europeans would like to see. For this reason the question of who would be a more comfortable president for Europe is neither here nor there. The meaning, benevolence, and usefulness of transatlantic relations are in reality actually decided upon in Europe and not in America. It is the Europeans who will have to give up their reluctance in all things concerning global governance. Without robust and sometimes hard contributions to international stability and conflict resolution the world will become an unsafer place, as America becomes (in relative terms) weaker.

Read Jan Techau's op-ed: America Votes, but Europe Decides on the Future of Transatlantic Relations.

Morgan Sheeran: Europe can contribute to progress in Afghanistan outside of the military arena: mentoring Afghan ministry officials, instilling policies of good governance, and developing the Afghan economy could ultimately provide as much security as any troop contribution.

Am Nachmittag treffe ich in Detroit ein und fahre mit der Delegation der Atlantik-Brücke weiter nach Ohio. Wir beziehen unser Hotel in Bowling Green, einer kleine Unistadt im Nordwesten Ohios. Unser Programm beginnt mit dem gemeinsamen ...

Am Nachmittag treffe ich in Detroit ein und fahre mit der Delegation der Atlantik-Brücke weiter nach Ohio. Wir beziehen unser Hotel in Bowling Green, einer kleine Unistadt im Nordwesten Ohios. Unser Programm beginnt mit dem gemeinsamen ...

Am Nachmittag treffe ich in Detroit ein und fahre mit der Delegation der Atlantik-Brücke weiter nach Ohio. Wir beziehen unser Hotel in Bowling Green, einer kleine Unistadt im Nordwesten Ohios. Unser Programm beginnt mit dem gemeinsamen ...

Mit der Atlantik-Brücke darf ich mir den US-Wahlkampf eine Woche lang die letzten Tage vor der Wahl in den USA anschauen. Wir sind in Ohio unterwegs, einem der umkämpften Bundesstaaten. Einen Tag bevor es nach Ohio geht, treffe ich in ...

Wolfgang Nowak: America is no longer up to shouldering the world’s crises. But who is going to take its place? And how do the new global powers imagine the future world order? Foresight, a project of the Alfred Herrhausen Society, asks thinkers and policy makers from the emerging and existing powers for their thoughts and proposals.

Am Nachmittag treffe ich in Detroit ein und fahre mit der Delegation der Atlantik-Brücke weiter nach Ohio. Wir beziehen unser Hotel in Bowling Green, einer kleine Unistadt im Nordwesten Ohios. Unser Programm beginnt mit dem gemeinsamen ...

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